Anwar Ibrahim banyak bercerita tentang korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme. Mungkin antara penyokong beliau, mereka sengaja tidak mahu lihat cacat cela kepada Anwar. Mungkin kerana mereka sendiri yang mendapat faedah daripada KKN Anwar. Dan sekarang, orang miskin dan orang biasa dikelabui oleh mereka-merekka yang mendapat faedah untuk menentang kerajaan yang telah memperkayakan mereka.
A good example is Anwar’s former private secretary Nasaruddin Jalil, who ran away to study law in Buckingham after he was implicated in a CBT case involving KUBB. Nasaruddin came back to become "vice-president of Mbf" – a politcal payoff by the Mbf group to Anwar, the finance minister. Nasaruddin became owner of an airline, was awarded the privatisation of the ambulance services (which charges the poor for services provided free previously by the Government), a finance company and many others.
Kamaruddin Jaafar – a research officer in the Prime Minister’s Department was made political secretary to Ghafar Baba on Anwar’s recommendations. Ghafar was in his own simple way too trusting. He brought in an enemy into the camp, little knowing that Anwar would one day use all information gathered by Kamaruddin to topple Ghafar as deputy prime minister. Betraying the trust of people is an Anwar trademark.
Kamaruddin was rewarded after leaving Ghafar. He became co-owner of listed company Yangtzekiang, later renamed Westmont. He became chairman and co-owner of many of Vincent Tan’s companies, receiving many privatisation projects, including Digicom, the cellular phone, the Linear City and others. Kamaruddin through his involvement with Charterfield, received six major contracts in the KLIA – a project chaired by Anwar Ibrahim. He became major shareholder in Kanzen after Anwar "persuaded" Chen Lip Keong to finance and guarantee the purchase of Kamaruddin’s shares. Kamaruddin became one of the richest Malays in Kuala Lumpur in six years from 1992 to 1998. In 1992, as political secretary to Ghafar, he earned a total of RM7,000 ringgit a month, including perks.
There are many others. The crude Ahmad Saad, Anwar’s deputy in the Permatang Pauh division. Since Anwar became finance minister, he did an MBO of Volvo’s Federal Auto Holdings. Ahmad Saad controls listed LBI Berhad.
Anwar’s secretary in the division - Ishak Ismail - controls Idris Hydraulics and Kentucky Fried Chicken. When the Lau brothers of Leong Hup Holdings tried to ouster Ishak in a boardroom battle, they were arrested by police. On whose instructions?
Anuar Othman of Kumpulan Pinang. The number of privatisation projects within Penang and the country that went to Kumpulan Pinang will astound Malaysians.
Sarit Jusoh, his former political secretary, who owns a piece of KFC.
Yusof Yusoh, or Yusof Perancis, his former private secretary, who has received licences for two Independent Power Plants in Sabah.
Azmin Ali, a private secretary to Anwar since he graduated in 1988. Living in a posh double story bungalow in Damansara Heights, chauffeur driven in a BMW – all on a salary of RM2500 a month. Azmin’s wife, Shida. An executive director of Phileo Allied’s property divison. Paid RM20,000 a month by crony Tong Kooi Ong.
Nazeri Abdullah of MRCB. For being a close supporter, he became controlling shareholder in four listed companies – MRCB, NSTP, TV3 and Malakoff. Not to mention the numerous privatisations and IPPs he received.
Ahmad Zahid Hamidi – he was a staunch ABIM supporter from the early days. In five years – from 1993 after he quit his RM7000 a month job as political secretary to Najib Tun Razak – controlled listed companies such as Kretam and Hexagon and became chairman of Bank Simpanan Nasional. His multi-million dollar house in Country Heights and his 10 luxury cars are an open secret.
Latiff Mirasa – from being private secretary to Farid Ariffin in the Health Ministry earning RM2200 in 1993, he became a very rich businessman in 1994. He used his money to challenge and defeat Farid for the head of the Bagan Umno division. Then Anwar made him an executive councillor in Penang after the 1995 general elections. But he quit two years later to concentrate on "his lucrative business".
Ismail Munir – another ABIM man. Suddenly, he was awarded a RM 2 billion IPP project by Anwar. Another mega-rich friend overnight.
Salomon Salamat, a former political secretary. Overnight a shareholder in listed companies and a multi-milliionaire, barely months after leaving his RM7000 job as political secretary to Anwar Ibrahim.
Rahim Ghouse – a relative through marriage and Anwar’s divisional Youth leader. Suddenly a major shareholder in listed Abrar Corporation and its executive director. From no background in business to running a multi-million dollar corporation backed by Kuwaiti funds. It is no surprise Abrar is today on the verge of bankruptcy.
Tong Kooi Ong – a young stock-broker, a whizz-kid, who packaged the MRCB deal for Ahmad Nazeri Abdullah. He was given the Central Co-operative Bank, now Phileo Bank, and now controls three listed companies through Anwar’s largesse. All within a period of five years. Tong could threaten Securities Commission chief Munir Majid with impunity. With similar impunity, he refused to join the Malaysian Stockbrokers Association, the only non-member in the industry, because he had direct access to Anwar.
And then, the family.
Father-in-law Dato Wan Ismail – director and shareholder in many listed companies, including Stamford College.
His daughter Wan Fairuz, sister of Wan Azizah, received 2000 acres of land in Batu Berendam, Malacca. Her former occupation? Photographer of Bernama news agency, earning RM1200 a month.
Anwar’s sister, Farizun Ibrahim, a housewife, with no experience in business. A co-owner of the Gianfranco Ferre franchise together with his adopted brother, Sukma Dermawan.
His father, Datuk Ibrahim Abdul Rahman. Chairman and substantial shareholder of IOI Berhad. Dato Ibrahim was awarded 50,000 hectares of state land for ranching by the Sabah Government over whom Anwar exercised tremendous influence. Received bumiputra share allocations in many listed companies.
His brother, Rani Ibrahim. Deputy head of Bagan Umno division. Deputy chairman of Olympia, a gambling company which obtained gambling liciences for Sabah from the Finance Ministry despite objections from the Sabah Government. Recipient of many bumi share issues.
Brother Marzuki Ibrahim. An operator of a petrol pump. Received licence to operate another two petrol pumps. Received bumi shares in listed FACB Berhad.
Brothers Idrus Ibrahim, a teacher, and Rosli Ibrahim, no known job, but driving in Mercedes Benzs and living upper middle-class lifestyles.
Anwar does not practise cronyism or corruption. Malaysians are being asked to believe that all those named above and many more whose names are not mentioned here but who, having been ordinary Malaysians like the rest of us, suddenly live the lifestyles of the rich and famous. Only because they knew Anwar and were his friends or relatives. What then is KKN?
A good example is Anwar’s former private secretary Nasaruddin Jalil, who ran away to study law in Buckingham after he was implicated in a CBT case involving KUBB. Nasaruddin came back to become "vice-president of Mbf" – a politcal payoff by the Mbf group to Anwar, the finance minister. Nasaruddin became owner of an airline, was awarded the privatisation of the ambulance services (which charges the poor for services provided free previously by the Government), a finance company and many others.
Kamaruddin Jaafar – a research officer in the Prime Minister’s Department was made political secretary to Ghafar Baba on Anwar’s recommendations. Ghafar was in his own simple way too trusting. He brought in an enemy into the camp, little knowing that Anwar would one day use all information gathered by Kamaruddin to topple Ghafar as deputy prime minister. Betraying the trust of people is an Anwar trademark.
Kamaruddin was rewarded after leaving Ghafar. He became co-owner of listed company Yangtzekiang, later renamed Westmont. He became chairman and co-owner of many of Vincent Tan’s companies, receiving many privatisation projects, including Digicom, the cellular phone, the Linear City and others. Kamaruddin through his involvement with Charterfield, received six major contracts in the KLIA – a project chaired by Anwar Ibrahim. He became major shareholder in Kanzen after Anwar "persuaded" Chen Lip Keong to finance and guarantee the purchase of Kamaruddin’s shares. Kamaruddin became one of the richest Malays in Kuala Lumpur in six years from 1992 to 1998. In 1992, as political secretary to Ghafar, he earned a total of RM7,000 ringgit a month, including perks.
There are many others. The crude Ahmad Saad, Anwar’s deputy in the Permatang Pauh division. Since Anwar became finance minister, he did an MBO of Volvo’s Federal Auto Holdings. Ahmad Saad controls listed LBI Berhad.
Anwar’s secretary in the division - Ishak Ismail - controls Idris Hydraulics and Kentucky Fried Chicken. When the Lau brothers of Leong Hup Holdings tried to ouster Ishak in a boardroom battle, they were arrested by police. On whose instructions?
Anuar Othman of Kumpulan Pinang. The number of privatisation projects within Penang and the country that went to Kumpulan Pinang will astound Malaysians.
Sarit Jusoh, his former political secretary, who owns a piece of KFC.
Yusof Yusoh, or Yusof Perancis, his former private secretary, who has received licences for two Independent Power Plants in Sabah.
Azmin Ali, a private secretary to Anwar since he graduated in 1988. Living in a posh double story bungalow in Damansara Heights, chauffeur driven in a BMW – all on a salary of RM2500 a month. Azmin’s wife, Shida. An executive director of Phileo Allied’s property divison. Paid RM20,000 a month by crony Tong Kooi Ong.
Nazeri Abdullah of MRCB. For being a close supporter, he became controlling shareholder in four listed companies – MRCB, NSTP, TV3 and Malakoff. Not to mention the numerous privatisations and IPPs he received.
Ahmad Zahid Hamidi – he was a staunch ABIM supporter from the early days. In five years – from 1993 after he quit his RM7000 a month job as political secretary to Najib Tun Razak – controlled listed companies such as Kretam and Hexagon and became chairman of Bank Simpanan Nasional. His multi-million dollar house in Country Heights and his 10 luxury cars are an open secret.
Latiff Mirasa – from being private secretary to Farid Ariffin in the Health Ministry earning RM2200 in 1993, he became a very rich businessman in 1994. He used his money to challenge and defeat Farid for the head of the Bagan Umno division. Then Anwar made him an executive councillor in Penang after the 1995 general elections. But he quit two years later to concentrate on "his lucrative business".
Ismail Munir – another ABIM man. Suddenly, he was awarded a RM 2 billion IPP project by Anwar. Another mega-rich friend overnight.
Salomon Salamat, a former political secretary. Overnight a shareholder in listed companies and a multi-milliionaire, barely months after leaving his RM7000 job as political secretary to Anwar Ibrahim.
Rahim Ghouse – a relative through marriage and Anwar’s divisional Youth leader. Suddenly a major shareholder in listed Abrar Corporation and its executive director. From no background in business to running a multi-million dollar corporation backed by Kuwaiti funds. It is no surprise Abrar is today on the verge of bankruptcy.
Tong Kooi Ong – a young stock-broker, a whizz-kid, who packaged the MRCB deal for Ahmad Nazeri Abdullah. He was given the Central Co-operative Bank, now Phileo Bank, and now controls three listed companies through Anwar’s largesse. All within a period of five years. Tong could threaten Securities Commission chief Munir Majid with impunity. With similar impunity, he refused to join the Malaysian Stockbrokers Association, the only non-member in the industry, because he had direct access to Anwar.
And then, the family.
Father-in-law Dato Wan Ismail – director and shareholder in many listed companies, including Stamford College.
His daughter Wan Fairuz, sister of Wan Azizah, received 2000 acres of land in Batu Berendam, Malacca. Her former occupation? Photographer of Bernama news agency, earning RM1200 a month.
Anwar’s sister, Farizun Ibrahim, a housewife, with no experience in business. A co-owner of the Gianfranco Ferre franchise together with his adopted brother, Sukma Dermawan.
His father, Datuk Ibrahim Abdul Rahman. Chairman and substantial shareholder of IOI Berhad. Dato Ibrahim was awarded 50,000 hectares of state land for ranching by the Sabah Government over whom Anwar exercised tremendous influence. Received bumiputra share allocations in many listed companies.
His brother, Rani Ibrahim. Deputy head of Bagan Umno division. Deputy chairman of Olympia, a gambling company which obtained gambling liciences for Sabah from the Finance Ministry despite objections from the Sabah Government. Recipient of many bumi share issues.
Brother Marzuki Ibrahim. An operator of a petrol pump. Received licence to operate another two petrol pumps. Received bumi shares in listed FACB Berhad.
Brothers Idrus Ibrahim, a teacher, and Rosli Ibrahim, no known job, but driving in Mercedes Benzs and living upper middle-class lifestyles.
Anwar does not practise cronyism or corruption. Malaysians are being asked to believe that all those named above and many more whose names are not mentioned here but who, having been ordinary Malaysians like the rest of us, suddenly live the lifestyles of the rich and famous. Only because they knew Anwar and were his friends or relatives. What then is KKN?
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